By E. Morawska
This book proposes a brand new theoretical framework for the research of immigration. It examines 4 significant concerns informing present sociological reviews of immigration: mechanisms and results of foreign migration, methods of immigrants' assimilation and transnational engagements, and the variation styles of the second one new release.
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Additional resources for A Sociology of Immigration: (Re)Making Multifaceted America
1998) (see also Lucassen and Lucassen 1997) provide a comprehensive critical review of these models, so there is no need to reiterate it here. Instead, I propose an encompassing framework to account for international migration which, drawing on these particular theories, reﬂects the explanatory logic of the structuration model as outlined in the Introduction. This attempt makes up the ﬁrst section of the chapter. In the next section I comparatively examine the interplay of structural circumstances and agentic considerations which account for migration to the United States of members of the eight contemporary immigrant groups selected for analysis in this volume.
For claims of the novelty of present-day immigrant transnationalism, see Basch, Glick-Schiller, and Szanton Blanc 1994; Lie 1995; Glick Schiller 1995; Portes 1997. ) Second, both now and then 32 A Sociology of Immigration immigrants’ transnational activities involved several social, cultural, economic, and political areas. Present-day immigrants’ transnationalism differs, however, from that of their turn-of-the-twentieth-century predecessors in four ways. First, the former’s transnational engagements cover much larger distances and are more frequent and intense than those of their predecessors a century ago.
Although turn-of-the-previous-century immigrants were employed in the receiver country’s mainstream economy, because they usually worked in “national gangs” of unskilled labor— such arrangement was useful to employers who assigned ethnic supervisors to the group with the role of managing its work process and to the immigrants who did not know English—their contacts with native-born Americans were limited. ) It should be noted, however, that while this limited economic and social contact with native-born Americans resulting from the organization of industrial labor deﬁnitely contributed to the absence of mainstream modes of assimilation among turn-of-the-twentieth-century immigrants, the latter had access to a particularly class-speciﬁc form of civic-political assimilationqua-Americanization: the labor unions.
A Sociology of Immigration: (Re)Making Multifaceted America by E. Morawska